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Bond crisis looming? GOP abandons DOGE, Google disrupts Search with AI, OpenAI buys Jony Ive's IO

Episode 2025-05-242025-05-24EnglishMembers only
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§01Opening: the agenda and a running joke about the summit plug

The episode opens with the original four hosts and no guests. The announced agenda covers chaos in the bond market as Republicans "seemingly have abandoned the Doge agenda," a debate over the "big beautiful bill" that the host says will add trillions to the national debt, Google's release of an AI-first search product, OpenAI's acquisition of Jony Ive's company IO for over $6 billion to make "some sort of gadget," and the question of whether energy is the solution to every problem.

Before the news, the host promotes the fourth annual All-In Summit, held in September in Los Angeles, and recalls that the other three hosts initially opposed holding a summit. One of them grants credit for the idea, which produces a mock-apology exchange.

The plug becomes a running joke after the host follows the claim that the summit hosts "the world's most important conversations" with "Yada yada yada." The others needle the host for undercutting the pitch and for not preparing. They then riff on past summit moments, including the vice president attending, Elon Musk appearing in person, and an astronaut, each followed by "yada yada yada." The host explains that the plugs now contain many items and that the host did not want to overdo it.

§02A weak 20-year auction meets the House bill

The main discussion starts with a Treasury auction. According to the host, the Treasury Department sold $16 billion of newly issued twenty-year bonds on a Wednesday afternoon to weak demand, which pushed yields higher across the board. The ten-year yield, which the host notes Bessent has said to focus on as the benchmark for most borrowing costs such as mortgages, spiked and "actually hit a five handle at one point." The S&P dropped 1.5% in about thirty minutes. The transcript records the three major indices as down "between 1.52% on the day," which appears to be a garbled range.

The same week, the House passed the big beautiful bill "at the eleventh hour." The host summarizes its stated effects. It makes the TCJA tax cuts permanent. It is estimated to raise long-run GDP by 60 basis points if all the cuts were implemented. It is estimated to reduce tax revenue by $4 trillion over ten years and to add between $3 trillion and $5 trillion to the national debt over the same period.

§03How Treasury funding works, and the CBO's interest-rate assumption

The first response begins with a primer on government funding. To pay employees and contractors and to buy things, the federal government needs cash in its bank accounts, and it raises that cash by selling Treasury bonds to individuals, companies, banks and foreign governments. Because the Treasury must sell bonds continuously, a lack of buyers is a bad sign: it forces the government to raise the interest rate it pays.

The speaker stresses that the auction was small. $16 billion is "not a lot" when hundreds of billions are sold each quarter, but "there was no buyer," the market "was really dry," and market participants "freaked out." The speaker ties the reaction to the bill's high deficit, which will increase US debt, require more issuance and raise annual interest payments.

The core of the argument concerns the Congressional Budget Office's projections. Citing a chart attributed to Jessica Riedel of the Manhattan Institute, the speaker says the CBO baseline expects US debt to GDP to reach 203% over roughly the next thirty years. The speaker adds that "in all of their models" the CBO assumes interest rates of 3.6%, while the thirty-year Treasury rate is now above 5%, at 5.1% that morning.

The arithmetic as stated: each 1 percentage point above 3.6% costs an extra $350 billion a year in interest. A gap of about 1.5 points, the difference between 3.6% and 5.1%, means about half a trillion dollars a year in extra interest. The speaker first says "half a billion" and then corrects it to half a trillion. Over ten years, that comes to another $5 trillion in interest payments alone.

The speaker calls this a "recursive problem." Higher rates mean higher interest costs, which require more borrowing, which in turn puts more pressure on rates. In the speaker's words, there is a "nonlinear relationship between the deficit and interest rates" that "gets away from you and you can't fix it." The speaker reads the weak auction as the market refusing to buy debt from a government whose bill shows an "extraordinarily high deficit."

There is a nonlinear relationship between the deficit and interest rates, which drives up the debt problem in a nonlinear way, and it gets away from you and you can't fix it.

§04The case against the bill: "anti Doge" and eleventh-hour changes

The host asks a second panelist about expectations of austerity and a balanced budget, and suggests that the government now looks set to "pour gasoline on the fire." The panelist separates the president from the bill's contents. The bill carries his name, but the panelist argues its contents differ from what he intended, and that it will be a political calculation for the president how much credit to take for it.

This thing is like anti Doge.

The panelist reads Doge as an expression of voters' desire for government reform, cost controls, some austerity and a check on the debt spiral, and calls the bill the opposite. The panelist describes a chaotic final night. A handful of members abstained, one member had died in the previous few days, and one fell asleep on the House floor and was not woken for the vote. Amid this, provisions were added, attached and canceled at the last minute. The panelist acknowledges the need for offsetting "puts and takes" but argues that little financial literacy went into choosing them.

The panelist then projects consequences. With the ten-year around 4.5% and rising since "Liberation Day," the panelist expects it to pass 5% by year end, and the thirty-year to exceed 6.25% and perhaps reach 6.5%. The panelist expects investors to delever from the US, sell US debt and buy assets like gold and Bitcoin, which the panelist says had begun to spike. The panelist also points to a ratings downgrade of the United States "on Friday," and says the panelist personally interpreted Elon's recent comments as a sign that very smart people see the problem as harder than they first thought.

According to the panelist, the House should have implemented some austerity and passed the rescission bill it was given. That bill was "just $9,000,000,000," and the House could not pass even that, while it approved what the panelist calls a "$4,000,000,000,000 inflation to our debt." The panelist worries the Senate may "further bastardize" the bill, and describes it as traditional Republicans and Democrats "circling the wagon" around measures the panelist expects to hurt average Americans. The panelist predicts energy price spikes, fewer electrons available for AI, and higher Medicare prices.

The panelist also disputes the math. Run against rates of 4.5%, 5% or 5.25%, the "real conditions on the ground" instead of the CBO's assumption, the panelist calls the bill "an albatross" and "the worst of all conditions" for the president's agenda and the MAGA movement. The panelist adds that many parts of the bill are inflationary, which could give Jerome Powell room to raise rates if the Senate does not handle them well, and concludes that the House "did not do anybody a favor yesterday."

The host shows a Polymarket chart on the number of Fed rate cuts in 2025 and calls the outcome uncertain across zero, one, two or three cuts. The transcript renders the probabilities unclearly ("twenty, 20 two, 20 five, and 15% respectively").

§05The case for the bill: tax cuts, campaign promises and a thin majority

The host turns to Sacks, notes that Sacks does not speak for President Trump and serves as the AI and crypto czar, and asks what happened with Doge, why spending continues, and whether the bill will be inflationary and make homes harder to buy. The response that follows defends the bill on realistic grounds without dismissing the spending concerns.

This speaker wishes all 435 House members thought about deficits like Friedberg, but argues the votes are not there. Democrats want more spending and taxes, and the speaker notes that without Manchin and Sinema there would have been a $4.5 trillion Build Back Better. The speaker also calls many House Republicans soft on spending ("you can call them rhinos if you want"), and points out that the margin is about three votes with no Democratic cooperation.

you can't make the perfect enemy the good.

The speaker says they wished the bill cut more and made the Doge cuts permanent through rescissions, and calls it "outrageous" that enough House Republicans declined to back Doge. They then list what they see as the bill's merits:

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